China's 'Toothless' Ukraine Stance is 'Good Enough' for Kyiv: Diplomat

• Ambassador Vadym Prystaiko described Beijing's peace plan for dealing with Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine as "toothless."
• But China's unconvincing neutrality is "good enough" for Kyiv and better than active military support for Russia, he said.
• "We want them to be more active, but we realize the complexity," Prystaiko said

China's unconvincing neutrality on Russia's ongoing full-scale invasion of Ukraine is "good enough" for Kyiv, the country's top representative in the U.K. has told Newsweek, and will remain so as long as Beijing does not arm Moscow's forces with significant weaponry.

Speaking with Newsweek at the Ukrainian embassy in London, Ambassador Vadym Prystaiko—who has previously also served as Ukraine's foreign minister and its representative at NATO—said Beijing's "toothless" peace plan presented in February suggested China was not willing to risk its powerful global position for President Vladimir Putin's sake.

"China has built their diplomatic success on playing within international organizations," Prystaiko said, noting in particular Beijing's permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council. "They're quite happy that they managed to get this master position within the international system. They're not going to give it up. The sole strength of their position is trying to play the role of an honest broker."

Chinese President Xi Jinping has combined neutral rhetoric with pro-Russian actions since Moscow's full-scale invasion began in February 2022. Beijing has ignored multiple—and ongoing—requests for a phone conversation with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, and in March visited Putin in Moscow in what was interpreted as a clear signal of alignment with the Kremlin.

Xi and Putin are speculated to have discussed multiple military deals behind closed doors during the Chinese leader's visit, building upon economic ties between the two giant powers that have only expanded since the West launched an unprecedented sanctions campaign against Moscow.

Though Xi appears to have made his preference clear, he has not thrown his full military might behind the Kremlin. China is not among the nations proved to be or accused of supplying large amounts of military aid to Russia, despite repeated media reports and U.S. warnings that Beijing is considering it.

Prystaiko said that Beijing's pro-Russian "neutrality" was frustrating leaders in Kyiv, though added it was far from the worst outcome.

"We are criticizing them, but frankly we're quite happy that they took the position they took." he explained. "The Russians can claim that they are great partners and everything else. But what is that? I know [the Russian] people are not expecting any proof. The great leader said it and that's enough."

"But for everybody else, we understand that they are not providing [significant supplies]. It's not like Iran and their drones. It's not like North Korea, which is allegedly sending them uniforms."

Beijing's vague peace plan—which called for an immediate ceasefire that would leave Russian troops occupying swathes of Ukrainian territory—produced on the first anniversary of Russia's invasion proves China is hedging, Prystaiko suggested. "That's why this document is so toothless. It's done on purpose [...] They're keeping all their options open."

"As of now, it's okay with Ukraine," the diplomat said. "We want them to be more active, but we realize the complexity."

Friend or Foe?

Ukrainian leaders expressed openness to Beijing's peace plan, though have made clear they will accept no deal that leaves Russia in control of Ukrainian land. Among Kyiv's demands are full Russian withdrawal per Ukraine's 1991 borders, reparations, war crimes prosecutions of Russia's leadership, and lasting security guarantees—in effect, NATO membership—to prevent future Russian aggression.

With around 20 percent of its landmass occupied, its economy in shambles and its military poised to launch a massive and potentially pivotal counteroffensive, Kyiv cannot afford to make more enemies. It certainly will not risk alienating one of the world's economic juggernauts and its largest trading partner in 2021, which might prove vital in rebuilding the country.

China is also Moscow's most influential partner. Even limited sympathy for Ukraine in Beijing could prove valuable for Kyiv.

Zelensky appears committed to a long courtship of Xi. In March, the Ukrainian president invited his Chinese counterpart to Kyiv. "We are ready to see him here," Zelensky told the Associated Press. "I want to speak with him. I had contact with him before full-scale war. But during all this year, more than one year, I didn't have."

"My government would like them to be more proactive," Prystaiko said. "That's why we want to talk to them. On the basic points as of now, it's good enough."

"They can easily pick up the telephone," Prystaiko added. "They've kept all their options open. There would be nothing wrong with them even popping up with a surprise visit to Ukraine. What would they lose? Their relationship with Russia? No, because Russia depends so much on them."

"Even their own Taiwan policy is built upon territorial integrity and sovereignty," the ambassador said, noting that defense of national sovereignty is the "cornerstone" of Kyiv's ongoing fight.

Prystaiko, though, said Kyiv understands China's position. "They have their own things with West, they also have things with Russia," he said.

"They're much more integrated with the West and the rest of the world. They don't want to have any sanctions or blockages in the sea for their products, because they're an export-oriented economy."

"They want to maintain this balance between Western interests and Eastern interests in the U.N," Prystaiko added. "They know that their time has come. They're playing a significant role, and they don't have to do much. They just have to maintain this."

"They are trying to be a reasonable partner. We want them to understand that the fate of the whole [system of] international relations depends on their decision. They are not stupid, they understand."

To the West

Ukraine's westward pivot predates the current nine-year period of hot conflict with Russia. Since the country's independence from the collapsing Soviet Union in 1991, power players in Moscow have sought to retain and grow influence in a neighboring nation that many Russians still see as an intrinsic part of their country; or at least as a subject.

Since the Orange Revolution of the mid-2000s, Ukraine's drift away from Russia's orbit has appeared more inevitable. The 2014 Maidan Revolution and subsequent Russian invasions of Ukraine cemented it. Now the majority of Ukrainian voters look to end the war with the country firmly ensconced in NATO and the European Union.

Ukraine's Euro-Atlantic conversion will likely have an effect on its ties with Beijing, given the confrontation brewing between China and the U.S. Already, Kyiv has stepped in to blunt Chinese influence, for example blocking Chinese firm Beijing Skyrizon Aviation from acquiring the country's largest jet engine factory in 2021.

Prystaiko said Ukraine withdrew "from the deal under pressure from our Western allies who reminded us that business decisions in these very sensitive defense and heavy industries have to be politically motivated."

Western pressure was also behind Ukraine's decision to withdraw specialists from working on Iran's Bushehr nuclear plant—a key component in Tehran's nuclear program—Prystaiko said.

"Anything we will have to do with China will be dictated by a number of factors," Prystaiko said. "It's not like Ukraine will swing this way or another. No, it's been a process over the 30 years of our independence."

Newsweek has contacted the Chinese Foreign Ministry by email to request comment.