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Over 30 years ago, on September 13, 1993, Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin addressed a press conference at the signing of the first Oslo Accords. "Enough of blood and tears; enough!" he declared. "The time for peace has come."
Today, we seem a very long way from the hopes expressed on that bright morning. But, when the horrific war in Gaza comes to its close, returning to a two-state plan remains the only viable way to prevent a repeat of the mass slaughter we have witnessed, to give Israelis security and Palestinians reasons to hope.
As President Joe Biden has acknowledged, peace between Israel and Palestinians is vital to the national interests of all NATO allies, along with democracies around the world who face existential threats from the tyrannies in Russia and China. While U.S. leaders have focused on Israel and Gaza, Xi Jinping is preparing China's military to invade Taiwan, and Putin is winning a war in Ukraine that may determine whether dictatorship or democracy controls the entire 21st century.
In this situation we cannot afford to let Hamas terrorists, or the Likud party and its far-right allies, fracture our relations with European allies, possibly including the next U.K. prime minister, who are increasingly committed to a Palestinian state. Unless we can resume taking steps towards a two-state outcome, Israel may also suffer increasing isolation and economic losses due to boycotts.
The task of forging a sustainable solution is enormous given the unnecessary near-total destruction of Gaza, Hamas' prolonged and heinous attacks on civilians over two decades, settler-versus-Palestinian violence in the West Bank, and a tragic history stretching back even before 1948. That history includes the expulsion of roughly 700,000 Palestinians from lands granted to Israel by the UN, and the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza following the Six-Day War in 1967. It also includes the tragic Palestinian rejection of two-state peace offers made by Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak in 2000, and by Prime Minister Ehud Olmert in 2008—which would have left a Palestinian state in control of over 93 percent of the West Bank.
This time, then, the United States cannot take "no" for an answer, even though Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu opposes a Palestinian state. But it will take bold measures to convince most Israelis that they can live next to Palestine as a sovereign nation. Everyone concerned for the fates of Israelis or Palestinians must now refocus on crafting a feasible long-term peace plan, which has several critical requirements.
First, all the main stakeholder nations have to be involved, excluding Iran and its proxies. Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Jordan, and Turkey should be on board, along with Gulf states and the main NATO nations—even if that requires some arm-twisting. We can no longer afford free riding on this issue.
Second, this coalition must recognize that there is no credible Palestinian leader in the West Bank or in Gaza at the moment to negotiate a new deal. Instead, it should put together a broad council of Palestinian leaders from the global diaspora and, if possible, experts living in the West Bank to represent the Palestinian side. But it must be clear to Palestinian and Israeli leaders that if they refuse to negotiate in good faith towards a two-state solution, its terms will be unilaterally set by the coalition (and doing so may actually give these leaders the political cover they need). The coalition must also enforce the new peace with a large and resilient multinational force to stop militants on both sides.
Third, when working out the map, the baseline must be the 2000 and 2008 peace offers, which can be revised to address Palestinian concerns. This entails that a number of Israeli settlements in the West Bank will have to be dismantled—by the new international coalition, so no Israeli administration is left to handle such a politically difficult task on its own. Parts of East Jerusalem should also be given to the new Palestinian state. However, Israel's existence as a Jewish homeland is not up for debate: New Palestine will not extend "from the river to the sea."
Fourth, the plan must set up a caretaker government for Palestine, backed by the coalition, to run for 10 to 15 years before the first election. The coalition must guarantee economic assistance to help New Palestine develop and rebuild Gaza, with all member nations—not only or mainly the U.S.—contributing their fair share. Israel itself should provide substantial funds for Gaza.
The plan should also ensure that, in time, Palestinians living in refugee camps in Lebanon and Jordan can return to the new Palestinian nation. The deal should probably include compensation payments, funded by the coalition and Israel, for every Palestinian family denied the ultimate right of return for which they hoped.
Fifth, the coalition must agree to protect Israel from Palestinian attacks for 20 years and go after any remaining Hamas leaders, even in Qatar. But guarantees for Arab citizens of Israel must also be ironclad: apartheid in Israeli laws cannot be accepted. And the coalition should aim to establish a Truth and Reconciliation commission to begin proceedings 15 years after the beginning of the new peace.
The coalition must also work to facilitate deep trade ties between New Palestine and its neighbors, as with Germany and France after World War II. Palestinians need water and energy independence and guarantees. After key benchmarks are met, Palestinian citizens should get reasonable opportunities to work in Jordan, Egypt, and Israel. In return, Israel should receive full normalization of trade with all the coalition partners, who will—to the extent that their constitutions allow—counteract "BDS" sanctions within their reach.
Finally, past failures have shown that the Holy Basin and Temple Mount have to be under international rule, as Israel had agreed in 1949. The coalition should control them, but with advice and advocacy through a council of elder statespersons from both Israel and New Palestine in equal numbers. Multinational control of the Temple Mount should continue until Israel and New Palestine make a new agreement among themselves for its management.
In sum, the time to let spoilers win is over. We must stop letting Netanyahu exploit American support as a blank check and insist on a deal along the lines sketched here. The status quo before October 7 cannot resume. Even if Hamas is eliminated, without a two-state solution, another murderous militia will grow up to replace it. Rabin had it right: we cannot let his ultimate sacrifice, and all the deaths since October 7, be for nothing.
John Davenport is Professor of Philosophy and Director of Peace and Justice Studies at Fordham University.
The views expressed in this article are the writer's own.
